He is also—and this is significant in understanding him—a mixed-race American whose black father married his white mother in 1944, a time when such marriages brought a lot of social disdain, even hostility.He grew up in Harvey, Illinois, a working-class town just south of Chicago, where his father, a truckdriver, was kept down financially because of racism in the local Teamsters union.
He is also—and this is significant in understanding him—a mixed-race American whose black father married his white mother in 1944, a time when such marriages brought a lot of social disdain, even hostility.He grew up in Harvey, Illinois, a working-class town just south of Chicago, where his father, a truckdriver, was kept down financially because of racism in the local Teamsters union.Tags: Research Paper On Bilingual EducationCompare And Contrast AssignmentWriting A Journal Article Review Apa StyleBuddhism Research PaperInterview Questions For Problem SolvingEnglish Argumentative Essays
But he seems particularly anguished about how it harms America’s blacks.
“The menace of black victimization becomes the unarguable truth of the black identity,” he writes.
Steele draws a sharp distinction between this kind of politics and that practiced by Martin Luther King before his 1968 assassination.
For him, hatred was not necessary as a means to power. Power came to him because he rejected hate as a method of resisting menace.” Whereas King called on blacks to resist being defined by what menaced them, today’s blacks and “their ostensible allies” wallow in perceived menaces “because menace provides moral empowerment.”Steele has written extensively about how this syndrome harms America.
Writes Steele: It is hard for people to see the menace that drives millionaire football players to kneel before the flag. journalist and publishing executive, is a writer-at-large for The American Conservative.
And then there is the failure of virtually every program the left has ever espoused—welfare, public housing, school busing, affirmative action, diversity programs, and so on. But this liberal hate, so brilliantly exposed and analyzed by Steele, provides a lot of fuel for ongoing political combat of the Left, as the current putridity of the Brett Kavanaugh matter demonstrates. His latest book is President Mc Kinley: Architect of the American Century.
As indicates, the legal debates turn on whether such racial preferences fall afoul of the Equal Protection Clause (and also the Due Process Clause) of the Fourteenth Amendment.
But there are also social and psychological arguments about the benefits and harms of affirmative action, both to the broader society and to the presumptive beneficiaries of the practice.
It stems primarily, he avers, from the nation’s cultural epiphany of the 1960s—when the country finally accepted that slavery and segregation were profound moral failings.
“That acceptance changed America forever,” he writes, adding it imposed a new moral imperative that the nation must show itself “redeemed of those immoralities in order to stand as a legitimate democracy.”The genius of the Left in those days, says Steele, was that it identified itself with that moral imperative.